‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Arab spring. إظهار كافة الرسائل
‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Arab spring. إظهار كافة الرسائل

10/10/2017

The hash Dealer Egypt



The term ‘dealer’ is often considered a dirty word; a loaded term, swollen with negative connotation, not only in Egyptian society but certainly more so here, where the man who procures your recreational drugs for you is likely not someone you’d consider fraternising with. But though they may not be in society’s good graces, in a country with a hash culture as deeply embedded as ours, the city is saturated with those on the providing end of supply and demand. Despite that, our thoughts concerning drug dealers rarely extend past their direct use to us; we rarely consider their own stories, opinions, or their reasons for engaging in such an illicit, underground business. So we sat down with one such dealer, just one of thousands across Egypt, someone who runs a simple kiosk somewhere in the city, but deals hash from it discreetly and undetected, to find out more. To protect their privacy, this individual will remain anonymous, but then again, it’s highly doubtful that you’d ever run into them anyway.
How did you start in this field of work?
Being a dealer? Well, I started dealing when I was wrongfully accused. In 2005 – I was a graduate of Tourism & Hospitality – I got falsely accused and I went to prison on false charges because of the presidential elections when people were running against Hosni Mubarak: Ayman Nour and Ali Gomaa and a few others. We were of course, really supportive of Ayman Nour, because we felt like he was the man who could actually help us out. So that’s why 90 percent of the guys in the country were unjustly accused in 2005 and we were thrown in jail and they closed the prison doors behind us and none of us knew what exactly our charges were – there were those who were charged with drug trafficking, those who were charged with weapon dealing, those charged with terrorist activity, just anything. Whatever stuck. But we were all educated guys, shabab zayy el foll, and we worked in tourism and we were all working in good positions in the tourism sector. So it started in 2008, when I got out of prison, I felt unjustly charged and I found that the country was exactly the same - nothing had changed; if I walk so much as ten meters, any soldier or officer can take me and mess with me at a police station. I felt like the whole situation was out of our hands and that it’s a country ofen7eraf (deviation, mayhem). Nothing will work here except for deviation; education won’t get you anywhere, manners won’t get you anywhere, people who were raised well... none of this will get you anywhere. What’s running the country, what will get you somewhere is thuggery and mayhem so you either live or die. And it was as simple as that. That was my start with drugs.
So, how did you gain access to drugs? Was it a case of someone introducing you to someone…that style of connection?
Yes of course. Bad friends are aplenty; there’s nothing more than them out there. Loads and loads. Everyone wants to help, of course, in deviation and evil. But no one helps fel kheir. If there were people who helped do good then someone like myself wouldn’t have been able to get on a path like this one.
Do you only deal hash or other drugs as well?
No, no, no, hash only and I can’t and won’t deal except to friends who are already hash smokers. I don’t have any intention or inclination to go down and just sell to people on the street; people come to me through personal connections.
And you don’t want to deal anything else?
No, no I don’t want to of course. I wish, I wish, I wish I wasn’t doing this but I have to find an available source of income. The state has never helped me with anything except after I got out of prison, giving me a license for a cigarette kiosk, after me being branded as an ex-convict. But the money I made from a kiosk wasn't enough for me to open a home with, especially when it came to stocking it with products. It's just a hole in the wall -  how am I going to generate income from this? So the situation of course is very hard; to balance between you wanting to live a halal life and needing to make money. If you’re going to live in sin, there are so many options. But if you want to be an upstanding citizen and make money legally, and serve your country in a fruitful way, you won’t find any opportunity. 
How much of your income comes from hash versus from the kiosk?
For every pound the kiosk will generate, hash will generate 100.
And do you smoke hash?
Yes of course. Of course.
Do you think that hash is haram?
Yes, I see it as haram of course. Because anything that harms your health is considered haram. God told us to care for our health.
So if you see it as haram, how do you bring yourself to sell it, or even just to smoke it?
Well, because 90% of our lives are haram. This is a truth. 90% of our daily lives, the majority of it haram.Kollaha ghalat feh ghalat. The concepts of halal and haram for God, are in degrees. There are severe degrees of haram and lesser degrees and… I hope for God to forgive what I do,  and I want to pray and to be a man of God…but at least just give me the opportunity to do something useful. I want to be doing something useful for my country, or for my children, or for my family, or be doing anything useful. But there isn’t a chance. I go down every day and sit in this cigarette kiosk. And I either sell cigarettes or I don’t sell cigarettes – and cigarettes themselves are also haram. And El Azhar says this and everything points to this. The difference is just that one of them is sold in the light and one of them is sold in the dark. 
Do you think that hash is a problem in people’s lives?
Well, honestly, I can’t determine exactly whether it’s a problem, or a form of relaxation for people. I can’t, honestly. It could be both. Maybe if I didn’t smoke, and I thought about it well, I’d be able to decide. But because I smoke as well, I can’t decide if it’s a method of meditation for us, or whether it’s a harmful thing for us, I don’t know. I honestly don’t know.
Are you married?
Yes! And I have a daughter! She’s still very young. Of course, I wish, I wish, that I don’t spend a pound on her that’s haram. I hope for this. And this is something I’m holding on to, and I’m sticking to this principle as best I can, and I’ve done everything in my power not to do this – not to spend a single haram pound on my daughter. From the instance she was born, all that’s been spent on her is halalmoney. And I hope that God helps me in this, and that I don’t pass through a time, or circumstance – like many people go through – that I would have to spendharam money on my daughter.
Does your family know what you do?
No, of course not. No, no one at all knows – this is the first time in my life I talk about this stuff. And most of my friends don’t know about this issue either – and I have friends who are officers, and friends who are prosecutor generals, and they don’t know about this at all, at all. They know of me that I’m a respectful man, and good man.
And I don’t do this for profit – I do this because I need the means to live by and also, because I don’t have the money to buy hash for myself. And that’s the truth honestly. I don’t have the means to spend 50 or 60 pounds every day to smoke with. I don’t have the money to do that. So I buy a chunk, sell some of it to friends to make ends meet, and there’ll be a tiny amount left over for me to smoke. If I want to be a dealer to make good money, yeah, I could make huge amounts of money, huge.
What about the police, do they bother you? Are there raids or crackdowns on drugs in the city?
I mean, of course the police do what they can but they'll never be in control of the hash situation. It’s impossible that they get a handle on it. Unless, all of Egypt comes together as one unit and we all say we do not want drugs in our country. But no one wants to do that because 90% of Egypt, whether it’s women or men, do drugs. And each person consumes in their own way; there’s the pharmaceuticals, there’s hard drugs…everyone has their own source of pleasure.
Do you have someone in the police, an inside person who “protects” you or do they just leave it alone to begin with…?
No, no, no, no at all. They’ve just left it be. But what they do, they go to ‘dolab mokhadarat’ – this is comprised of an area where a family or two, three families in a street sell drugs in bulk – and instead of arresting them, they take a monthly bribe from them. Per month, they’ll set a certain amount of money, for instance say 100,000 pounds, and they come and collect them every month, and they leave them be. 
What does your demographic of clients look like? What types of people do you get?
They’re from all walks of life, all kinds of people, and the majority of them, are actually women. Mostly girls and women. Some are younger women, some are married. And the majority of them – I try sometimes to talk to them and find out why they smoke, or how they got into smoking hash – and the majority of them are from the upper class. Very rarely do you find women from the middle class or the lower class smoking hash. 
Women in lower classes, the men have a tight hold on them, and these women live an older, more traditional lifestyle so they don’t have the opportunity to go out or go sit with their girlfriends at the club, or cruise in the car. But if they had them they would smoke hash, I think.
Since you started dealing to present day, do people smoke more or less?
No, they smoke more. The difference between 2007 and 2014 is huge. And new things have started to appear too, like Voodoo.
Do you think in the future you’ll stop dealing?
I want to get back into tourism, but it’s very difficult. I would have to start all over again, start from the very bottom as a bus boy and I have a family to care for. I also have a prison record. But I’m trying to get my jail time removed so that maybe I can go back to tourism and stop dealing.

6/27/2017

Saudi Egypt and UAE is working on Mossad/CIA Plan to Create Greater Israel

Saudi and UAE  is working on Mossad/CIA Plan to Create Greater Israel



The Plan — according to U.S. General Wesley Clark (Ret.):  In an interview with Amy Goodman on March 2, 2007, U.S. General Wesley Clark (Ret.), explains that the Bush Administration planned to take out 7 countries in 5 years: Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Lybia, Somalia, Sudan, Iran


‘The Greater Israel Project’ Explained by Ken O’Keefe:

Ken explains the concept of ‘The Greater Israel Project’ and the balkanization of surrounding countries as a means of destabilizing them. Balkanization is a geopolitical term that was originally used to describe the process of the fragmentation or division of a region or state into smaller regions or states that are often hostile or non-cooperative with one another. The head of the snake, the system of power, is headed by the financial system. The bankers rule the Earth through the private control of the issuance of money, debt-based money which we’re all supposed to pay with things like austerity measures, which allows them to provide THEMSELVES an INFINITE supply of money which means that they can buy anything and anyone so we see that the world governments are nothing but puppets of bankers who control their money supply. The bankers at the top of this pyramid are psychopaths.


Norman Finkelstein Obliterates and Humiliates Hard Talk Host on Israel:

Norman showed the host what it really means to “Hard Talk”.
The Bias anchor/journalist who sides with Israel makes a mistake by challenging Norman on the Palestine and IsraHell conflict. Norman teaches her a lesson, she wont be forgetting anytime soon.
Norman Finkelstein has devoted his life and his Doctorate degree on the Middle East and the Palestine Israel conflict.



ISIS In Greater Israel’s Scheme:


This is the root cause of all the refugee crisis we are facing in the world right now.

6/10/2017

قصيدة بخ بخ لزمان طاعن الكبر بخ بخ لزمان فاقد البصر

قصيدة بخ بخ لزمان طاعن الكبر بخ بخ لزمان فاقد البصر

بخ بخ لزمان طاعن الكــــــــــبر 


بخ بخ لزمان طاعن الكبر
بخ بخ لزمان فاقد البصر
بخ بخ لعمى الالوان حين يري

لون الامارات ذات اللون في قطر 
يا مسخ زايد تثوي تحت مزبلة
من كل روث وترمي الناس بالكدر 
دحلان كعبتك الكبرى فلبي وطف 
وحج سيسي وللحوثي فاعتمر
لانت اول محظية خامنئي
حبلت منه بثالوث من الجزر
قدت قميصك إسرائل من قبل
وقبلها فارس قدته من دبر
واليوم راودت امريكا فهيت لها
نفطاً وسدراً وطلحاً يانع الثمر
رمادة لذوي القربي ومسغبة 
للمسلمين وسوق للعلوج ثري
سباق اجمل تيس كم يليق بكم 
يا ماعز العصر تحتاجون للذكر
ذيولكم لتيوس الارض مسرعة
بلا حياء وفحش غير مستتر
طاولتم القدر والبنيان فانتظروا
سقوطكم يا رعاء الشاء في الحفر
المال للشكر والحسني في يدكم
يكون للفتن العمياء والبطر
لم يبقي في الشرق من ترف يمص دماً
الا طفا مالكم من جيبه القذر
لم يضرب ابن حرام فوق خزنتكم
الا وفاضت عليه باثنتي عشر
من حفتر الغرب حتي حوث درهمكم 
ينساب في علق المجروف في نهر
ان كان مفتاح بيت المال من لكع
صام الكرام وافطر انجس البشر
وشد من عضد السيسي برابعة
وشد بطن حماس العز بالحجر
وساح في حائط المبكي سياحته 
-----------------------------------

جوجل ارسلت لى الايميل بحذفه
بسبب سبام مصدرة خراف مهلكة ال شرور 

3/09/2017

Hosni Mubarak Is Free

Wonder F*** land 
 Hosni Mubarak Is FREE
The Court of Cassation dropped on Thursday all charges against toppled President Hosni Mubarak in relation to ordering the killing of protesters during the January 25 revolution in 2011.
The charges had related to the deaths of 239 people and injuries of 1,588 across 11 governorates in Egypt.
Mubarak had been sentenced to life in prison in 2012 for the killing of protesters before appealing the sentence.



1/09/2017

ثوره جياع مصر

ثوره الجياع فى مصر



التاريخ يعيد نفسه مليون مره
امتى! و اوزى ! و ليه!

ثورة الجياع هتسيطر".. ماشي، تعالوا كدة نشوف إحتمالية قيام الثورة دي كام في المية؟

ثورة ٢٥ يناير قامت على النظام القديم، وأول مطالبها عيش  وبعدها حرية وبعدها عدالة إجتماعية، وطبعاً كلنا عارفين أزمة طوابير العيش وغلاء الأسعار، وأزمة أنابيب البوتاجاز قبل ٢٠١١ كانت عاملة إزاي؟

وقامت الثورة و ما لحقها من حفر في الاقتصاد ، وتجريف لمصادر البلد، وخراب بيوت، وقفل مصانع، وضرب سياحة، واكتمل الخراب بزمن الاخوان و ما أدراك ما زمن الاخوان. أزمة كهرباء، أزمة بنزين، وأزمة أنابيب، وبعدها ثورة ٣٠ يونيو، و مابعدها من خطوات لمحاولة إصلاح ما تم إفساده، و حروب الجيل الرابع و الاشاعات وتشجيع من فئة كبيرة في مصر على مقاطعة مصر سياحياً، وبوستات ضد السياحة و هكذا .. إذن نتائج الثورة كانت حفر الاقتصاد مش تحسين مستوي المعيشة .

تعالوا نشوف كام بلد كده..

الهند مثلا نسبة الفقر فيها كبيرة جداً و الطبقة المتوسطة تكاد تختفي، هل قامت فيها ثورة جياع؟!

اريتريا ، مالاوي ، زيمبابوي ، من أفقر الدول في العالم، هل قامت هناك ثورة جياع ؟

نشوف بقي نموذج إيجابي شوية كوريا الجنوبية، و انهيارها الاقتصادي من سنة ١٩٦١ إلى سنة ١٩٧٩ و انهيار البنية التحتية، ادارة دولة، اهتمام كبير، و بدايته الإقتصاد، والتركيز على الشركات العملاقة.. و اكيد كلنا عارفين كوريا الجنوبية اصبحت إزاي بالعمل و الادارة مش بثورة جياع.

و تعالوا نشوف الناس اللي كانت بتهتف بالعيش و الحرية في يناير و بتنادي دلوقتي بثورة جياع ... معظمهم اشتروا عربيات، سافروا و لفوا العالم و الباقي جاله منح معظمها في بريطانيا و يقولك ثورة جياع.

انا أسمع وأفهم عن الأزمة من واحد عايشها فعلًا، حارس العمارة، عامل في مصنع و بيكون كلامه شكوي من حال البلد و الدولار وربنا يصلح الاحوال، و بتكون الشكوي ايجابية و عمري ما سمعته بيقول نعمل ثورة جياع، بل بالعكس هو شايف ان اللي حصل للبلد بسبب الثورة و الحال قبلها كان احسن.. انما تبقى راكب مرسيدس و بتنادي بثورة جياع بالريموت كونترول وانت قاعد في الليفنج ده مش منطقي.

واحنا بقى كالعادة بنحب الجدال و الكيد و كالعادة كل واحد يحب ينزل بوست عن صورة السينيما كامل العدد ، الناس في الساحل ، عدد المدارس الدولية و مصاريفها و انا عن نفسي اتكلمت عن طابور الجبن اللي وقفت فيه ساعة وربع لحد ما يبجي دوري، قوم ايه نلاقي شتايم و اتهامات، وقصادها طبعاً بوستات ازمة انابيب ، طفل فقير في الشارع يفتقد فرحة العيد .. و هكذا.

ربنا لو خلق عين واحدة كان منطقي نشوف طرف واحد انما سبحانه و تعالي خلق لنا اتنين و لازم نشوف الجانبين و إلا هنكون بنضحك علي نفسنا ،، زي مافيه طوابير عالسينيما في طوابير عالمستشفيات الحكومية .. لاننا بلد و كل بلد فيها و فيها.

الناس دي دارسة و فاهمة كويس هي بتعمل إيه.. تحديد ميعاد مميز لشد الانتباه ١١/١١ معاد شيك جداً لثورة ، زي بالظبط ما الكتاب بيقول أعمل معاد للحدث مميز و محدد، يلفت النظر ، نبدأ ننزل بوستات و نكرر كلمة ثورة الجياع قبل الأكل و بعده لمده شهرين، و أي حد هيعترض أو ينزل بوستات عكسهم يلعبوا عالارهاب الفكري و يتهموك بالطبقية و انك في قصر عالي و مش حاسس بالغلابة عشان تسكت ، قوم ايه تترسخ في العقل و تبتدي تربط كل حدث حتى لو مفيش ربط بالثورة اللطيفة دي .
هل سألتوا نفسكم اللي هيعملوا ثورة الجياع دي عندهم تويتر و فيس بووك ولا حتي واي فاي؟ يبقى التوقيت ده ليه؟ و الغرض من النشر عالنت إيه، و بالانجليزي كمان!! عشان تحشد و تطبق خطط حروب الجيل الرابع في الحشد النتاوي زي ٢٥ يناير .. الأهم ان محدش يضحك علينا و يحقن مخنا بتكرار كلمة ثورة الجياع .. عشان هما ماشيين بمثل : بكتر الزن عالودان امَر من السحر .

أسوأ من كدة مرينا بيه و بلاد كتير مرت بيه ، الثورة الحقيقية هي ثورة العمل و القضاء على السلبيات.
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v
اضحك و اعمل بوستات كوميكس و كيد براحتك بس خلي بالك لان فيه خيط رفيع جداً ممكن يحولك لشخص طبقي ،، فإحذر هذه الدائرة !!! 
ورة الجياع هي أول ثورة تقوم في التاريخ فقد قام بها المصريون ضد الملك بيبي الثاني فحسب ما ورد في بردية ايبوير من وجود حالة مجاعة  وفقر وتردّى أحوال مصر في عهد الملك ووجود ثورة شعبية وكذلك حسب ما ورد في حجر جنوب سقّارة وهرم بيبى الثاني ونصوص الأهرام التي وجدت في أهرامات عائلة الملك بيبى الثاني في جنوب سقّارة من وصف لعصر بيبى الثاني بالآتى :
  • امتلك الحكم وهو طفل صغير.
  • كان يرسل البعثات الحربية في مختلف الأقطار وكان منتصرًا في مختلف الحروب.
  • ظلّ في سدّة الحكم فترة طويلة قيل 94 عام وقال البعض بل طلّ في الحكم قرابة 64 عام بسبب اختلافات في طريقة الحساب للسنوات بالنظام النصف سنوي.
  • حدثت مجاعة وفقر شديدة وهذا ما أكدّه المسح الجيولوجى للعصر الهولوسينى الحديث حيث تمّ تأكيد حدوث ظاهرة (4.2 Kiloyear) والتي تؤكّد وجود ظواهر انخفاض في منسوب النيل في مصر وكذلك في عدّة مناطق أخرى على مستوى الكوكب الأرضى منها بلاد العراق والجزيرة العربية وشمال أفريقيا ككل.
  • حدوث ثورة واضطراب شعبي كبير وهذا ما أكّدته برديات إيبوير.
و لهذا أعتقد شخصيًا اتّباعًا لبعض العلماء المتخصصين الذين ذكروا أنّ الملك (بيبى الثاني) هو فرعون موسى للأسباب التالية :
  • كان عصر الملك (بيبى الثاني) عصر فوضى ومجاعة وقحط وفقر واضطراب بعد وجود دلائل على قوّة وعظمة وسلطان شاسع.
  • عدم وجود أيّ دليل قوى يثبت وجود أبناء للملك (بيبى الثاني) وكذلك عدم وجود تدوين للفترة التي بعد الملك (بيبى الثاني) أحد أفراد الأسرة السادسة التي صُنّفت على أنّها ءاخر أسر عصر المملكة الفرعونية القديمة ممّا يعنى حالة كبيرة وعارمة من الفوضى لم تحدث من خلال احتلال أو انقسام وهذا ممّا هو معهود عن الفراعنة أنّهم لا يدونون إلّا انتصاراتهم وإشراقات عصرهم ممّا يقرّب فكرة وجود ثورة شعب إسرائيل على الفرعون وخروجهم من مصر وموت الفرعون بعد ذلك ممّا جعل كرسى المُلك فارغًا وبالتالى أحدث فراغًا سياسيًا هائلًا.
  • هرم الملك (بيبى الثاني) الذي أوضح المسح الهندسي أنّه تمّ هدمه وإعادة بناءه لأسباب مجهولة ممّا يؤكّد وجود سرًّا ما حول هذا الهرم الذي توحى قاعدته بأنّه كان ليصبح هرم كبير.
  • برديات إيبوير ووصفها للغرائب من فقر الأغنياء وغنى الفقراء والفوضى والفقر والقحط وانخفاض المياه وما غير ذلك من وصف لمرحلة تاريخية غريبة مليئة بالنكبات تقارب ما وصفته الكتب السماوية عن فترة خروج شعب إسرائيل من مصر.
  • عدم وجود تمثال واحد أو أثر واحد يمثّل الملك (بيبى الثاني) في صورة مهيبة بل على العكس يوجد له تمثالان أحدهما يظهر فيه الملك (بيبى الثاني) طفلًا تحمله أمّه على فخذها والآخر يظهر فيه طفلًا عاريًا بالرغم من وجود قصص ومرويات وتصوير له يثبت كونه ملكًا يمتلك انتصارات على الليبين والنوبيين وما غير ذلك من تسجيلات له.

http://www.masralarabia.com/%D8%AA%D9%82%D8%A7%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%B1-%D9%88%D8%AA%D8%AD%D9%82%D9%8A%D9%82%D8%A7%D8%AA/1237542-%D8%A8%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B5%D9%88%D8%B1-%D8%A8%D8%B9%D8%AF-%D8%BA%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%A1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D8%B3%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%B1-%D8%A3%D9%87%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%8A-%D8%B7%D9%86%D8%B7%D8%A7-%D8%AB%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AC%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%B9-%D9%82%D8%A7%D8%AF%D9%85%D8%A9

4/20/2016

السيسى اللى هيقتل اى حد من المتظاهرين مش هيتحاكم



السيسى اللى هيقتل اى حد من المتظاهرين مش هيتحاكم

  المواطن المصرى مالهوش دية 




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3/16/2016

Do you want know the ISIS ! so you must know the History of Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia

DO you want know the ISIS ! so you must know the History of  Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia



BEIRUT -- The dramatic arrival of Da'ish (ISIS) on the stage of Iraq has shocked many in the West. Many have been perplexed -- and horrified -- by its violence and its evident magnetism for Sunni youth. But more than this, they find Saudi Arabia's ambivalence in the face of this manifestation both troubling and inexplicable, wondering, "Don't the Saudis understand that ISIS threatens them, too?"

It appears -- even now -- that Saudi Arabia's ruling elite is divided. Some applaud that ISIS is fighting Iranian Shiite "fire" with Sunni "fire"; that a new Sunni state is taking shape at the very heart of what they regard as a historical Sunni patrimony; and they are drawn by Da'ish's strict Salafist ideology.













Other Saudis are more fearful, and recall the history of the revolt against Abd-al Aziz by the Wahhabist Ikhwan (Disclaimer: this Ikhwan has nothing to do with the Muslim Brotherhood Ikhwan -- please note, all further references hereafter are to the Wahhabist Ikhwan, and not to the Muslim Brotherhood Ikhwan), but which nearly imploded Wahhabism and the al-Saud in the late 1920s.

Many Saudis are deeply disturbed by the radical doctrines of Da'ish (ISIS) -- and are beginning to question some aspects of Saudi Arabia's direction and discourse.
THE SAUDI DUALITY
Saudi Arabia's internal discord and tensions over ISIS can only be understood by grasping the inherent (and persisting) duality that lies at the core of the Kingdom's doctrinal makeup and its historical origins.
One dominant strand to the Saudi identity pertains directly to Muhammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhab (the founder of Wahhabism), and the use to which his radical, exclusionist puritanism was put by Ibn Saud. (The latter was then no more than a minor leader -- amongst many -- of continually sparring and raiding Bedouin tribes in the baking and desperately poor deserts of the Nejd.)
The second strand to this perplexing duality, relates precisely to King Abd-al Aziz's subsequent shift towards statehood in the 1920s: his curbing of Ikhwani violence (in order to have diplomatic standing as a nation-state with Britain and America); his institutionalization of the original Wahhabist impulse -- and the subsequent seizing of the opportunely surging petrodollar spigot in the 1970s, to channel the volatile Ikhwani current away from home towards export -- by diffusing a cultural revolution, rather than violent revolution throughout the Muslim world.
But this "cultural revolution" was no docile reformism. It was a revolution based on Abd al-Wahhab's Jacobin-like hatred for the putrescence and deviationism that he perceived all about him -- hence his call to purge Islam of all its heresies and idolatries.
MUSLIM IMPOSTORS
The American author and journalist, Steven Coll, has written how this austere and censorious disciple of the 14th century scholar Ibn Taymiyyah, Abd al-Wahhab, despised "the decorous, arty, tobacco smoking, hashish imbibing, drum pounding Egyptian and Ottoman nobility who travelled across Arabia to pray at Mecca."
In Abd al-Wahhab's view, these were not Muslims; they were imposters masquerading as Muslims. Nor, indeed, did he find the behavior of local Bedouin Arabs much better. They aggravated Abd al-Wahhab by their honoring of saints, by their erecting of tombstones, and their "superstition" (e.g. revering graves or places that were deemed particularly imbued with the divine).
All this behavior, Abd al-Wahhab denounced as bida -- forbidden by God.
Like Taymiyyah before him, Abd al-Wahhab believed that the period of the Prophet Muhammad's stay in Medina was the ideal of Muslim society (the "best of times"), to which all Muslims should aspire to emulate (this, essentially, is Salafism).
Taymiyyah had declared war on Shi'ism, Sufism and Greek philosophy. He spoke out, too against visiting the grave of the prophet and the celebration of his birthday, declaring that all such behavior represented mere imitation of the Christian worship of Jesus as God (i.e. idolatry). Abd al-Wahhab assimilated all this earlier teaching, stating that "any doubt or hesitation" on the part of a believer in respect to his or her acknowledging this particular interpretation of Islam should "deprive a man of immunity of his property and his life."
One of the main tenets of Abd al-Wahhab's doctrine has become the key idea oftakfir. Under the takfiri doctrine, Abd al-Wahhab and his followers could deem fellow Muslims infidels should they engage in activities that in any way could be said to encroach on the sovereignty of the absolute Authority (that is, the King). Abd al-Wahhab denounced all Muslims who honored the dead, saints, or angels. He held that such sentiments detracted from the complete subservience one must feel towards God, and only God. Wahhabi Islam thus bans any prayer to saints and dead loved ones, pilgrimages to tombs and special mosques, religious festivals celebrating saints, the honoring of the Muslim Prophet Muhammad's birthday, and even prohibits the use of gravestones when burying the dead.

"Those who would not conform to this view should be killed, their wives and daughters violated, and their possessions confiscated, he wrote. "

Abd al-Wahhab demanded conformity -- a conformity that was to be demonstrated in physical and tangible ways. He argued that all Muslims must individually pledge their allegiance to a single Muslim leader (a Caliph, if there were one). Those who would not conform to this view should be killed, their wives and daughters violated, and their possessions confiscated, he wrote. The list of apostates meriting death included the Shiite, Sufis and other Muslim denominations, whom Abd al-Wahhab did not consider to be Muslim at all.


There is nothing here that separates Wahhabism from ISIS. The rift would emerge only later: from the subsequent institutionalization of Muhammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhab's doctrine of "One Ruler, One Authority, One Mosque" -- these three pillars being taken respectively to refer to the Saudi king, the absolute authority of official Wahhabism, and its control of "the word" (i.e. the mosque).


It is this rift -- the ISIS denial of these three pillars on which the whole of Sunni authority presently rests -- makes ISIS, which in all other respects conforms to Wahhabism, a deep threat to Saudi Arabia.


BRIEF HISTORY 1741- 1818


Abd al-Wahhab's advocacy of these ultra radical views inevitably led to his expulsion from his own town -- and in 1741, after some wanderings, he found refuge under the protection of Ibn Saud and his tribe. What Ibn Saud perceived in Abd al-Wahhab's novel teaching was the means to overturn Arab tradition and convention. It was a path to seizing power.

"Their strategy -- like that of ISIS today -- was to bring the peoples whom they conquered into submission. They aimed to instill fear. "



Ibn Saud's clan, seizing on Abd al-Wahhab's doctrine, now could do what they always did, which was raiding neighboring villages and robbing them of their possessions. Only now they were doing it not within the ambit of Arab tradition, but rather under the banner of jihad. Ibn Saud and Abd al-Wahhab also reintroduced the idea of martyrdom in the name of jihad, as it granted those martyred immediate entry into paradise.


In the beginning, they conquered a few local communities and imposed their rule over them. (The conquered inhabitants were given a limited choice: conversion to Wahhabism or death.) By 1790, the Alliance controlled most of the Arabian Peninsula and repeatedly raided Medina, Syria and Iraq.


Their strategy -- like that of ISIS today -- was to bring the peoples whom they conquered into submission. They aimed to instill fear. In 1801, the Allies attacked the Holy City of Karbala in Iraq. They massacred thousands of Shiites, including women and children. Many Shiite shrines were destroyed, including the shrine of Imam Hussein, the murdered grandson of Prophet Muhammad.


A British official, Lieutenant Francis Warden, observing the situation at the time, wrote: "They pillaged the whole of it [Karbala], and plundered the Tomb of Hussein... slaying in the course of the day, with circumstances of peculiar cruelty, above five thousand of the inhabitants ..."


Osman Ibn Bishr Najdi, the historian of the first Saudi state, wrote that Ibn Saud committed a massacre in Karbala in 1801. He proudly documented that massacre saying, "we took Karbala and slaughtered and took its people (as slaves), then praise be to Allah, Lord of the Worlds, and we do not apologize for that and say: 'And to the unbelievers: the same treatment.'"


In 1803, Abdul Aziz then entered the Holy City of Mecca, which surrendered under the impact of terror and panic (the same fate was to befall Medina, too). Abd al-Wahhab's followers demolished historical monuments and all the tombs and shrines in their midst. By the end, they had destroyed centuries of Islamic architecture near the Grand Mosque.


But in November of 1803, a Shiite assassin killed King Abdul Aziz (taking revenge for the massacre at Karbala). His son, Saud bin Abd al Aziz, succeeded him and continued the conquest of Arabia. Ottoman rulers, however, could no longer just sit back and watch as their empire was devoured piece by piece. In 1812, the Ottoman army, composed of Egyptians, pushed the Alliance out from Medina, Jeddah and Mecca. In 1814, Saud bin Abd al Aziz died of fever. His unfortunate son Abdullah bin Saud, however, was taken by the Ottomans to Istanbul, where he was gruesomely executed (a visitor to Istanbul reported seeing him having been humiliated in the streets of Istanbul for three days, then hanged and beheaded, his severed head fired from a canon, and his heart cut out and impaled on his body).


In 1815, Wahhabi forces were crushed by the Egyptians (acting on the Ottoman's behalf) in a decisive battle. In 1818, the Ottomans captured and destroyed the Wahhabi capital of Dariyah. The first Saudi state was no more. The few remaining Wahhabis withdrew into the desert to regroup, and there they remained, quiescent for most of the 19th century.


HISTORY RETURNS WITH ISIS


It is not hard to understand how the founding of the Islamic State by ISIS in contemporary Iraq might resonate amongst those who recall this history. Indeed, the ethos of 18th century Wahhabism did not just wither in Nejd, but it roared back into life when the Ottoman Empire collapsed amongst the chaos of World War I.




The Al Saud -- in this 20th century renaissance -- were led by the laconic and politically astute Abd-al Aziz, who, on uniting the fractious Bedouin tribes, launched the Saudi "Ikhwan" in the spirit of Abd-al Wahhab's and Ibn Saud's earlier fighting proselytisers.


The Ikhwan was a reincarnation of the early, fierce, semi-independent vanguard movement of committed armed Wahhabist "moralists" who almost had succeeded in seizing Arabia by the early 1800s. In the same manner as earlier, the Ikhwan again succeeded in capturing Mecca, Medina and Jeddah between 1914 and 1926. Abd-al Aziz, however, began to feel his wider interests to be threatened by the revolutionary "Jacobinism" exhibited by the Ikhwan. The Ikhwan revolted -- leading to a civil war that lasted until the 1930s, when the King had them put down: he machine-gunned them.


For this king, (Abd-al Aziz), the simple verities of previous decades were eroding. Oil was being discovered in the peninsular. Britain and America were courting Abd-al Aziz, but still were inclined to support Sharif Husain as the only legitimate ruler of Arabia. The Saudis needed to develop a more sophisticated diplomatic posture.


So Wahhabism was forcefully changed from a movement of revolutionary jihad and theological takfiri purification, to a movement of conservative social, political, theological, and religious da'wa (Islamic call) and to justifying the institution that upholds loyalty to the royal Saudi family and the King's absolute power.


OIL WEALTH SPREAD WAHHABISM


With the advent of the oil bonanza -- as the French scholar, Giles Kepel writes, Saudi goals were to "reach out and spread Wahhabism across the Muslim world ... to "Wahhabise" Islam, thereby reducing the "multitude of voices within the religion" to a "single creed" -- a movement which would transcend national divisions. Billions of dollars were -- and continue to be -- invested in this manifestation of soft power.




It was this heady mix of billion dollar soft power projection -- and the Saudi willingness to manage Sunni Islam both to further America's interests, as it concomitantly embedded Wahhabism educationally, socially and culturally throughout the lands of Islam -- that brought into being a western policy dependency on Saudi Arabia, a dependency that has endured since Abd-al Aziz's meeting with Roosevelt on a U.S. warship (returning the president from the Yalta Conference) until today.


Westerners looked at the Kingdom and their gaze was taken by the wealth; by the apparent modernization; by the professed leadership of the Islamic world. They chose to presume that the Kingdom was bending to the imperatives of modern life -- and that the management of Sunni Islam would bend the Kingdom, too, to modern life.

"On the one hand, ISIS is deeply Wahhabist. On the other hand, it is ultra radical in a different way. It could be seen essentially as a corrective movement to contemporary Wahhabism."


But the Saudi Ikhwan approach to Islam did not die in the 1930s. It retreated, but it maintained its hold over parts of the system -- hence the duality that we observe today in the Saudi attitude towards ISIS.
On the one hand, ISIS is deeply Wahhabist. On the other hand, it is ultra radical in a different way. It could be seen essentially as a corrective movement to contemporary Wahhabism.
ISIS is a "post-Medina" movement: it looks to the actions of the first two Caliphs, rather than the Prophet Muhammad himself, as a source of emulation, and it forcefully denies the Saudis' claim of authority to rule.
As the Saudi monarchy blossomed in the oil age into an ever more inflated institution, the appeal of the Ikhwan message gained ground (despite King Faisal's modernization campaign). The "Ikhwan approach" enjoyed -- and still enjoys -- the support of many prominent men and women and sheikhs. In a sense, Osama bin Laden was precisely the representative of a late flowering of this Ikhwani approach.
Today, ISIS' undermining of the legitimacy of the King's legitimacy is not seen to be problematic, but rather a return to the true origins of the Saudi-Wahhab project.
In the collaborative management of the region by the Saudis and the West in pursuit of the many western projects (countering socialism, Ba'athism, Nasserism, Soviet and Iranian influence), western politicians have highlighted their chosen reading of Saudi Arabia (wealth, modernization and influence), but they chose to ignore the Wahhabist impulse.
After all, the more radical Islamist movements were perceived by Western intelligence services as being more effective in toppling the USSR in Afghanistan -- and in combatting out-of-favor Middle Eastern leaders and states.


Why should we be surprised then, that from Prince Bandar's Saudi-Western mandate to manage the insurgency in Syria against President Assad should have emerged a neo-Ikhwan type of violent, fear-inducing vanguard movement: ISIS? And why should we be surprised -- knowing a little about Wahhabism -- that "moderate" insurgents in Syria would become rarer than a mythical unicorn? Why should we have imagined that radical Wahhabism would create moderates? Or why could we imagine that a doctrine of "One leader, One authority, One mosque: submit to it, or be killed" could ever ultimately lead to moderation or tolerance?